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政經新聞及評論
Youth should better understand SAR's unique political system
Chow Pak-chinn
2021年3月8日

Last Thursday, the Chinese University of Hong Kong made a bold statement against their wayward student union by cutting ties with them — effectively turning them into social pariahs — with their belligerent and sometimes absurd anti-government rhetoric.

Officially, this means that the student body must register itself as a private limited liability company or society and cannot from here on rely on the university to collect on its behalf union fees, or avail on-campus premises. In addition, all administrative support will come to a halt. 

During the 2019-20 protests, the university was the site of a violent five-day siege between protesters, many of whom were not its students, and the police from Nov 11 to 15, 2019. Protesters occupied the campus for three days and turned parts of the campus into arsenals equipped with petrol bombs, caltrops, makeshift catapults, and other medieval-style weapons. Parts of the campus were also fortified against police raids.

Even after these shocking and violent actions by the students and other protesters, the student body continued to defy the advice of the university and forged ahead with its inflammatory political agenda. 

This latest incident has again indicated that the Chinese University student union and its supporters are woefully ignorant of the bounds of the SAR’s politics. 

For one thing, the union has not fully grasped the National Security Law for Hong Kong, nor the nature of its relationship with the university. 

I must advise that our youth continue to focus on their education, read a lot, study hard, listen widely before they speak, and not allow demagogues to weaponize them against our government and motherland

And although the union did quickly withdraw their official objection to the university’s decision, they still acted with total disregard for the National Security Law. 

It’s clear that Hong Kong is in something of a transformational phase, and news outlets across the globe appear to have their own idea of the kind of democracy suitable for Hong Kong. However, what many appear to ignore is the unique political structure of Hong Kong, and how it came into being in the first place. 

When Hong Kong was under British rule, it was ruled by scores of unelected governors and this was the case all the way to 1997. Before the establishment of the SAR, the people of Hong Kong did not care much about politics. Our economic well-being was of greater interest, which also meant we were able to focus on our livelihoods and that of our families. 

In the negotiations between China and Britain that led to the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration in December 1984 — which stipulated that Hong Kong would be handed back to China, Hong Kong people did not take part. It was partly the policy of China which insisted that the matter of Hong Kong’s future was one between the two countries, and partly because Hong Kong people knew that they did not have a role in matters of sovereignty. 

Come 1997, Hong Kong’s administrative power and sovereign rule was returned to China. In the case of other former colonies such as Malaya, and India, the sovereignty was handed to the local peoples who then formed the new nation’s governments. 

This was not the case for Hong Kong, and this is the point we need to impress upon local youths. The SAR was not created by the people of Hong Kong, but by the central authorities through a decision of the National People’s Congress in 1990. The government and other organs of power of the SAR were similarly empowered by the Basic Law, which was passed also by the National People’s Congress.

Under China, the city is empowered to elect a legislature and enjoys a high level of autonomy. Not only that, we are also able to practice the principle of “Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong” with a high degree of autonomy under the principle of “one country, two systems”.

Hong Kong’s delegated power comes from the central authorities. This also means that the central  authorities have overall jurisdiction over Hong Kong. In other words, the Hong Kong SAR government does not derive its power from the local people. It does not even have residual power vis-a-vis the central authorities. 

It appears that some Hong Kong youths have mistaken the meaning of “Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong” to mean that the local people are the power source and therefore have total autonomy (i.e., a mandate to do as they please). 

They must be made aware of where the SAR’s political power originates, and that it was also the central authorities through the Basic Law that allows us to enjoy the economic freedoms and prestige.

Let’s examine the situation as it currently stands. 

Beijing has promised that the system that the SAR practices will remain as it is until 2047 — 50 years post-handover. But when 2047 comes and Hong Kong transitions into the system that cities on the mainland practice, what will that mean for us? This is a question Hong Kong people must seriously consider before the time comes, as it will shape the course of the next 26 years in the special administrative region and its motherland. 

If we are to advance in a manner that benefits us and our home city, then our youth need to better understand the ins and outs of our unique political system, and practice it according to the letter and spirit of the Basic Law. 

Our district councilors also ought to do better for their constituents by sticking to the mandate of the “District Organisations” prescribed under the Basic Law and focus on local livelihood concerns, rather than transgressing onto Hong Kong-wide political issues. Quite apart from legal ultra vires concerns, politically they will cut themselves off from our prescribed political structure.

The Sino-British Joint Declaration clearly stipulates that China “resumes the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong” and that the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region would be established. We are a region that enjoys local elections, economic and other freedoms. When it comes to the chief executive, this office is appointed by the central government in Beijing, and may ultimately be selected through universal suffrage based on nomination by “a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures”. This is as far as “democracy” goes in Hong Kong. The intransigence of the so-called democrats in 2014 when they insisted on “civic nomination” became the deal breaker. Again, we need to go back to the Basic Law, which is the law that we must abide by. 

There’s a saying: “Hong Kong is a book difficult to read and understand.” Therefore, I must advise that our youth continue to focus on their education, read a lot, study hard, listen widely before they speak, and not allow demagogues to weaponize them against our government and motherland.

The author is president of Wisdom Hong Kong, a think tank.

The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

 

 

 

 Source:China Daily

 
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